Spain is gassing its own population; police are investigating acid purchases by migrant and Soros NGOs in Ceuta

The Spanish National Police are currently investigating a bulk purchase of hydrochloric acid and aluminium foil in Ceuta, after supermarket employees alerted a large group of migrants – reportedly mostly Moroccans – who had bought both products together.

Spanish media, citing police sources, reported that activists from the non-governmental organization No Name Kitchen (NNK) had accompanied these buyers.

Investigators are currently aiming to determine whether the materials were intended for homemade “acid bombs” – plastic bottles filled with acid and foil that produce a small explosion, gas, and corrosive spray – and whether anyone helped to hide the purchased items.

The devices are similar to the bottles of corrosive liquid that were thrown at Spanish soldiers and local demonstrators in the days surrounding the raid on the store.

The chemical composition is simple and already publicly known. Police sources describe aguafuerte – hydrochloric acid, also sold as salfuman – and aluminium foil, sometimes mixed with acetone, which is placed in plastic bottles.

When the mixture is thrown, it builds up pressure, bursts, and releases irritating gas and corrosive liquid. According to Spanish media, this is the device that was used against army patrols and residents marching through Villajovita.

No Name Kitchen denies any involvement. The group’s coordinator, Ric Fernández, explains that the group packages 1,200 to 1,300 hot meals daily, buys foil for food and kitchen lining, and uses small amounts of solvent for cleaning – but no “industrial quantities” of weapons.

No identified activists were arrested, as the purchase of the products is legal.

Representatives of the Interior Ministry have also denied to RTVE that the police or the Guardia Civil are investigating “any NGO” for supplying explosive materials. This official line contradicts days of Spanish criminal reports describing how officers identified NNK members after the purchase.

The government of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has repeatedly insisted that Ceuta is back under control. Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares declared that “virtually everyone who entered Ceuta has already returned to Morocco.” Video footage from the enclave a month later shows tents, devastated beaches, and a city that looks as if it has been hit by an earthquake.

No Name Kitchen, an organization that opposes European border controls, had already run into trouble. On August 23, two of its activists, a Canadian and a German, were arrested on Benítez beach. Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska stated that they had incited “violent groups” – illegal migrants – to react aggressively to the police and had resisted officers.

The NGO claims the two were filming. El Faro de Ceuta independently reported on a French activist who was arrested in the same neighbourhood after clashes with police. In viral clips, volunteers were accused of distributing pepper spray. Fernández told Newtral that this was a “fake news story to discredit us” and that the group had never purchased pepper spray or “any device that could incite violence.”

Conservative Spanish media and accounts on X referred to entries on DevelopmentAid that name George Soros’ Open Society Foundations as one of the funding organizations of No Name Kitchen, as well as the group’s previous affiliation with the Border Violence Monitoring Network, which received funds from the OSF.

NNK explains that it does not receive any direct funding from Open Society for Ceuta and that any connection to OSF was through an older network.

Meanwhile, native Spaniards continue to resist the government’s promotion of mass migration.

On Sept. 2, protests took place in more than 200 cities and towns. In Ceuta itself, around 20,000 people marched. They chanted “Ceuta is not for sale, Ceuta needs to be defended” and “Away with the invaders.” Placards read “SOS. Europe, save us from our treacherous government.” Later that evening, before the congress, the message was even clearer: “This is not immigration, this is an invasion.”

Maria Sánchez, a 47-year-old housewife, told AFP in Ceuta: “We are Spaniards, we don’t want any government to let us down again, just like they have already let us down.”

David Hernández, a 45-year-old teacher, told Reuters: “The response was inadequate, delayed, and, moreover, accompanied by a complete dereliction of duty on the part of the government. We should not be second-class citizens, and our border should not be neglected.”

Another resident, who identified herself only as Lola, said the situation was “getting out of control” and “there is a point where this becomes a powder keg”.

In Madrid, an estimated 150,000 people marched through the streets chanting “Sánchez to prison” and “Intruders – go home”.

The leader of the PP, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, stood in this crowd and said: “A Spanish city has been invaded, occupied, and unfortunately this occurred with the knowledge of the Spanish government.” Both he and the leader of Vox, Santiago Abascal, accused Sánchez of lying to the Spanish people and of being a “traitor to Spain” as well as a “lackey of Morocco.”

Madrid’s mayor, José Luis Martínez-Almeida, said: “Ceuta is Spanish and will not be abandoned.” Regional President Isabel Díaz Ayuso declared that the government had “since taking office, done nothing but lie” and “abandoned us – not only the people of Ceuta, but all of Spain in front of the world.

As some of the demonstrators continued marching towards the congress, the police reportedly used rubber bullets and tear gas.

The state, unable to prevent 70,000 people from streaming unhindered into a Spanish city, found the means to attack citizens who objected with tear gas.

On Sept. 3, Sánchez addressed Congress and insisted that the executive branch had “nothing to hide.” He called it “absurd to believe the government knew about it and did nothing.” He stated that more than 90 percent of those arriving had been returned within 72 hours – “one of the fastest deportation processes in European history” – and blamed rumours on virtual communication networks and a misinterpreted Supreme Court ruling that prohibited immediate returns at sea.

He reiterated that he had no evidence that Morocco had orchestrated the influx. Ceuta and Melilla, he added, would remain Spanish “forever.”

The Council of Ministers has now adopted an emergency package of 309 million euros – for accommodation, services and additional police forces – which is equivalent to about 16 percent of Ceuta’s gross domestic product for the rest of the year.

Critics argue that tent camps for 1,500 adults are insufficient to accommodate the 5,000 to 10,000 people who have already learned that staying put is worthwhile. Asylum applications, regulations for the protection of minors, and the “regular deportation procedure” are the factors that transform an influx into a permanent settlement.

A government that uses border security as a public relations tool and then attacks the public with tear gas when they notice this and raise objections, provokes further unrest and even more chaos.

 

yogaesoteric
September 9, 2026

 

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